Mbowe, Lissu wanavyoipitisha Chadema mstari wa kifo

Dar es Salaam. Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema), ama kipo uwanda wa kifo kisiasa au kinapitia agano la moto wa kukiimarisha.

Mwenyekiti Freeman Mbowe na Makamu Mwenyekiti (Tanzania Bara), Tundu Lissu, wamebeba hatima.

Lissu, mgombea urais wa Tanzania kupitia Chadema katika Uchaguzi Mkuu 2020, anaungwa mkono na waumini wa falsafa ya “dawa ya moto ni moto”, huku Mbowe, anayekubalika kwa wanaoamini “jicho kwa jicho huleta upofu”, wote wanautaka uenyekiti taifa.

Uchaguzi wa viongozi Chadema ngazi ya taifa, unaotarajiwa kufanyika Januari 2025, ndiyo utaamua chama hicho kitabaki katika hali gani. Kitadhoofika jumla kama NCCR-Mageuzi mwaka 1999 au itakuwa mwanzo wa Chadema mpya

Uchunguzi ndani ya Chadema unaonyesha Mbowe, anaungwa mkono na viongozi wengi walioshinda uchaguzi ngazi za majimbo, mikoa na kanda, na hao ndiyo wanaendelea kuamini wimbo wa “Kamanda Tuvushe”, kwamba bila kiongozi huyo aliyeiongoza Chadema kwa miaka 20 sasa, chama hicho kitakufa.

Uchunguzi zaidi unatoa taswira kuwa viongozi wengi walioanguka kwenye uchaguzi wa majimbo, mikoa hadi kanda, wamejenga kinyongo kikubwa dhidi ya Mbowe, hivyo wanahitaji kupumua, endapo Lissu atafanikiwa kukalia kiti cha uenyekiti Chadema, watapumua na kupata matumaini mapya.

Desemba 12, mwaka huu katika Ukumbi wa Mlimani City, Dar es Salaam, Lissu alitangaza hadharani nia ya kuwania uenyekiti wa Chadema taifa. Aliulizwa swali kuhusu kuungwa mkono na waliopoteza uchaguzi, alijibu: “Kama hawa wanaoniunga mkono ni walioshindwa, basi nitaongozana na hawa losers (washindwa) wenzangu.”

Ndani ya Chadema, kuna sauti za wenye misimamo mikali, wanaoamini kwenye mapambano ya jino kwa jino; hao wamepata mwanga mpya kupitia Lissu, ambaye anafahamika kwa kuendesha siasa za makabiliano ya moja kwa moja bila kuzunguka. Wanaamini Lissu ataipeleka puta Serikali na Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM).

Mnyukano wa Mbowe na Lissu umeshawishi wanaharakati wengi kujenga matamanio yao ndani ya kesho ya Chadema.

Wanaharakati waliojiweka wazi, wote wanamuunga mkono Lissu, hivyo kusababisha baadhi ya wanachama waandamizi wa Chadema kujitokeza kuwapinga.

“Hivi kwa akili ya kawaida, wana-Chadema tuwekewe mwenyekiti na mwanaharakati na aliyeshindwa uchaguzi Chadema na kuhamia CCM).Kisha, kwa mihemko na mkumbo wa mitandao pamoja na makundi ya waliokosa uongozi Chadema wilayani, mikoani na kanda, tumwache Freeman Mbowe? Hiki ni chama cha siasa siyo NGO ya wanaharakati,” aliandika Yericko Nyerere, kada mwandamizi wa Chadema.

Timu inayomuunga mkono Lissu, inaamini Mbowe ameshafanya kazi kubwa kuifikisha Chadema mahali ilipo na amekwama, hivyo anahitaji kukaa pembeni ili chama kiongozwe na mtu atakayeweza kukifanya kiwe imara zaidi kukabiliana na dola.

Mdude Nyagali “Mdude Chadema”, kada mwandamizi wa Chadema katika moja ya mahojiano yake alisema: “Mbowe ni kama Musa, aliwatoa wana wa Israel Misri akawafikisha jangwani. Alihitajika Joshua awatoe Jangwani kwenda nchi ya Ahadi. Chadema ipo Jangwani, hapo ndipo Mbowe ametufikisha. Tunamhitaji Joshua. Lissu ndiye Joshua.”

Kwa mujibu wa tafsiri kuhusu maoni, mitazamo na ushauri kutoka kwa wadau mbalimbali kuhusiana na mnyukano wa Mbowe na Lissu Chadema, wasiwasi mkubwa ni chama kugawanyika kuanzia ngazi ya uongozi hadi wanachama na wafuasi wa kawaida mitaani.

Endapo uchaguzi utafanyika, na kwa vyovyote vile ukaacha vinyongo kwa timu itakayoshindwa, unaweza kusababisha matokeo mabaya ya Chadema katika Uchaguzi Mkuu 2025, kama ilivyotokea kwa NCCR-Mageuzi Uchaguzi Mkuu 2000.

Mnyukano mkubwa uliikumba NCCR-Mageuzi baina ya aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti, Augustino Mrema dhidi ya Katibu Mkuu, Mabere Marando. Kutokana na kushindwa kuelewana, Mrema aliacha chama na kwenda kujiunga na TLP. Kisha, Marando alishindwa uenyekiti na James Mbatia.

Uchaguzi Mkuu 2000, NCCR-Mageuzi, ilianguka vibaya kutoka kuwa na wabunge 19 Uchaguzi Mkuu wa mwaka 1995 hadi mmoja. TLP ikanyanyuka, ikapata wabunge watano Uchaguzi Mkuu 2000.

Hofu kuwa Chadema inaweza kurejea historia ya NCCR-Mageuzi inatokana na nguvu ya ushawishi waliyonayo Mbowe na Lissu.

Mfano kuhusu NCCR-Mageuzi, unahusika pia kwa Chama cha Wananchi (CUF), ambacho kilikuwa imara kwa miongo mitatu, lakini mwaka 2019 kilishuhudiwa kikipukutika baada ya aliyekuwa Katibu Mkuu, Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad, kuondoka na kuhamia ACT-Wazalendo. Waliokuwa wabunge na viongozi karibu wote waliambatana na Maalim Seif.

Tathmini ndani ya Chadema inaonyesha kuwa Mbowe anakubalika kwenye mifumo ya chama hicho kuanzia ngazi za chini hadi wanachama. Hata hivyo, Lissu ana nguvu kubwa, sauti zinazomuunga mkono zinaonyesha kuwa ana ushawishi kwa wapigakura wengi, hivyo anaweza kuifanya Chadema ipate au ikose kura nyingi kwenye Uchaguzi Mkuu 2025.

Chadema imefikaje hapo?

Lissu, alishakuwa mwanachama na aligombea ubunge kwa tiketi ya NCCR-Mageuzi katika Uchaguzi Mkuu 1995. Baadaye alijiunga na Chadema, kipindi ambacho gari lilikuwa limewaka. Lissu akawa mbunge wa Singida Mashariki kupitia Chadema, akiwa kwenye kundi lililofanikiwa kukifanya chama hicho kuongoza Kambi ya Upinzani Bungeni kwa mara mara ya kwanza mwaka 2010.

Kabla ya Lissu kuwa mbunge, Chadema ilikuwa imeshapitia majaribio mawili makubwa. La kwanza ni aliyekuwa Makamu Mwenyekiti (Tanzania Bara), Chacha Wangwe kukusudia kumng’oa Mbowe kwenye uenyekiti. Kipindi hicho Mbowe alikuwa na muhula mmoja ofisini. Wangwe alifariki dunia kwa ajali kabla ya uchaguzi.

Jaribio la pili ni la Zitto Kabwe, aliyekuwa Naibu Katibu Mkuu Chadema (Tanzania Bara), alitangaza kuwania uenyekiti dhidi ya Mbowe. Ni kipindi ambacho Zitto alikuwa kijana maarufu na mbunge mwenye ushawishi mkubwa. Wazee wa chama chini ya mwasisi, Edwin Mtei walimweka chini Zitto ambaye alikubali kujitoa kwenye kinyang’anyiro.

Zitto alikuwa mbele kwenye kinyang’anyiro, nyuma yake walikuwepo Profesa Kitila Mkumbo, aliyekuwa mjumbe wa Kamati Kuu Chadema, David Kafulila, aliyepata kuwa Ofisa Habari wa Chadema, kada mwandamizi wa Chadema, Juju Danda na wengineo.

Chadema walivuka salama mwaka 2009. Mbowe alishinda uenyekiti, akamteua Zitto kuwa Naibu Katibu Mkuu. Hata hivyo, Kafulila na Danda hawakubaki salama. Walivuliwa uanachama. Wakatimkia NCCR-Mageuzi.

Profesa Kitila alibaki, matokeo yake mwaka 2014 uligundulika waraka ambao maudhui yake yalikuwa kumshusha hadhi Mbowe kwamba hakuwa na uwezo wa kuongoza chama, vilevile kumkweza Zitto kuwa ni msomi na mwenye maarifa makubwa ya kiuongozi.

Ilibainika kuwa waraka huo waandishi wake walikuwa Profesa Kitila na aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti wa Chadema, Mkoa wa Arusha, Samson Mwigamba pamoja na mtu mwingine ambaye hajawahi kutajwa. Hii inaonyesha kuwa Kitila alibaki Chadema, lakini dhamira yake ya kuona Mbowe anaachia madaraka ilikuwa palepale.

Waraka huo ni sababu ya Profesa Kitila, Mwigamba na Zitto kuvuliwa uanachama wa Chadema mwaka 2014 na 2015. Kilikuwa kipimo kwamba Chadema baada ya uchaguzi wa chama mwaka 2009, kiliishi ndani ya mgawanyiko kwa miaka zaidi ya mitano.

Kutoka mwaka 2015, aliyekuwa Katibu Mkuu wa Chadema, Dk Willibrod Slaa alipojivua uanachama wa chama hicho, baada ya kugomea ukaribisho wa Waziri Mkuu wa zamani, Edward Lowassa, aliyeteuliwa kuwa mgombea urais, hadi mwaka 2019, Waziri Mkuu wa zamani, Fredrick Sumaye alipojivua uanachama wa Chadema, vinyongo vimeendelea kutuama miongoni mwa viongozi, wanachama na wafuasi.

Kila hatua, mlaumiwa mkuu ni Mbowe. Mwaka 2009 hoja ilikuwa tuhuma ya matumizi mabaya ya ruzuku na kukosekana uwazi kwenye mali za chama, mwaka 2024, ajenda kuu ni kukaa madarakani muda mrefu. Mbowe alianza kupingwa akiwa na muhula mmoja tu ofisini.

Mwaka 2024, ni dhahiri Lissu amewaibua na wenye vinyongo vyao vya muda mrefu kuhusu Mbowe, sasa wanaungana na wanaharakati, wana-Chadema wenye misimamo mikali, vilevile walioanguka kwenye uchaguzi, kushughulika na Mbowe ili achomoke na kuruhusu mwanzo mpya wa Chadema.

Hatari chadema

Hoja ya Lissu kuhusu maridhiano ya chama hicho na CCM kuwa hayajawahi kuwa na faida yoyote, na majibu ya Mbowe kwamba faida zipo nyingi, vilevile kumkosoa Lissu kwa kukosa uadilifu wa vikao, inaonyesha chama hicho kipo hatarini. Zaidi, inaonyesha uamuzi wa vikao kwa wengine huona wanaburuzwa.

Kitendo cha Lissu kumtuhumu Mwenyekiti wa Chadema, Kanda ya Ziwa, Ezekia Wenje kuwa alimpeleka nyumbani kwake mtu anayeitwa Abdul ili kumhonga, kisha Wenje kujibu kwamba alimpeleka Abdul kwa mwaliko wa Lissu ili asaidie kulipwa fedha za matibabu, kinatafsiri kutoaminiana na kusemeana uongo.

Kauli ya Wenje aliyonukuliwa akizungumza na vyombo vya habari hivi karibuni akisema kuwa Lissu alimwita yeye na viongozi wengine na kuwathibitishia kwamba Mbowe alihongwa magari mawili aina ya Toyota Land Cruiser, wakati Mbowe aliyanunua mnadani, inatoa picha kuwa mgogoro wa Chadema umekuwa ukifukuta muda mrefu.

Hali halisi Chadema na jinsi moshi unavyofuka sasa ni matokeo ya moshi wa pumba. Unapoona moshi kwenye pumba, ujue ndani yake moto ni mkali. Chadema ni moto wa muda mrefu na sasa ni matokeo. Hakuna wakati Mbowe amewahi kupingwa hadharani kama sasa.

Kama una maoni kuhusu habari hii, tuandikie ujumbe kupitia WhatsApp: 0765864917.Continue Reading

UNHCR, Governments of Burundi and Tanzania Reaffirm Their Commitment to Supporting Burundian Refugees Voluntary Return and Sustainable Reintegration

The Governments of the Republic of Burundi and the United Republic of Tanzania, and UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, met this week for the 25th Meeting of the Tripartite Commission for the Voluntary Repatriation of Burundian Refugees living in the United Republic of Tanzania.

Recognizing the generosity of the government and people of Tanzania in hosting Burundian refugees for decades and the Burundian government’s intensive efforts to support development in areas of return, all parties agreed to continue voluntary repatriation to Burundi in accordance with the provisions of the Tripartite Agreement of May 2001.

All parties committed to enhance information-sharing on cross-border labour mobility prospects between Burundi and Tanzania, as well as procedures for accessing these for returnees. Participants noted that these movements should be undertaken in line with existing bilateral legal and administrative frameworks, and as provided for by East African Community (EAC) Protocols and policies.

“The policy of both our countries is that refugees return to contribute to the Burundi’s vision 2040 as an emerging country, and 2060 as a developed country. The Government of Burundi will honour its commitments to seek durable solutions for its compatriots hosted in Tanzania,” said Martin Niteretse, Minister of the Interior, Community Development and Public Security, Government of Burundi.

The Parties agreed to support the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania in undertaking comprehensive protection and solutions-based assessments in 2025. Steered by a joint technical team comprising of the Tanzanian government and UNHCR, these assessments seek to identify appropriate solutions for Burundian refugees who are yet to return.

“In 2025, the Government of Tanzania with support from UNHCR will conduct a comprehensive protection and solution-based assessments with all Burundian refugees in Tanzania to understand their challenges. This initiative aims to identify and implement durable solutions such as voluntary repatriation, resettlement, and local integration. The process will be transparent and inclusive to all relevant stakeholders at every stage,” said Hon. Daniel Baran Sillo, Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, Government of Tanzania.

Participants emphasized the importance of access to education and livelihood opportunities in Burundi for returnees, which not only influences their decisions to return but also ensures their return is sustainable.

For UNHCR, this collaborative effort underscores a shared commitment to ensuring the well-being and long-term reintegration of Burundian refugees through coordinated and sustainable responses.

“Seeking durable solutions for Burundian refugees, including helping them to return home safely and restart their new lives in dignity, remains a high priority for UNHCR,” said Fatima Mohammed Cole, UNHCR’s Deputy Director for the East and Horn of Africa and Great Lakes region. “We deeply appreciate the unwavering support from donors and partners for Burundian refugees and returnees. We will continue to work closely with both the governments of Tanzania and Burundi to find durable solutions for refugees and call on the international community for their continued solidarity,” added Cole.

Since the start of the voluntary repatriation exercise in September 2017, more than 178,000 Burundian refugees have voluntarily returned to Burundi from Tanzania.

As of the end of November 2024, around 144,500 Burundians refugees are hosted in Tanzania’s Nduta and Nyarugusu camps.

Source: allafrica.com

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