Rais Samia ambaye leo ni siku yake ya pili katika ziara hiyo ya kiserikali amesema kesho Ijumaa Aprili 19, 2024 wanatarajia kufanya mkutano wa biashara ambao utawakutanisha wafanyabiashara wa Tanzania na UturukiContinue Reading
The University of Ankara in Turkey is poised to confer an honorary PhD in Economics upon Tanzania’s President, Samia Suluhu Hassan, in recognition of her exemplary leadership and its impact across social, political, and economic domains.
The event is scheduled to take place today at the university’s Tandogan campus in Ankara.
Also read: Why SUZA awarded Samia honorary doctorate
President Samia, accompanied by a delegation from the business community, arrived in Turkey on Wednesday for her five-day official visit. This visit comes in response to an invitation extended by Turkey’s President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Following the ceremony, according to the itinerary, President Samia Suluhu Hassan will proceed to the Külliye (Presidential Palace), where she will be welcomed by her Turkish counterpart, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in an official welcoming ceremony. The heads of state will engage in a private discussion before a joint press conference. Additionally, President Samia will witness the signing of memoranda during her visit.
Source: allafrica.com
The company has told countries that it can supply only 18.8 million of the 29.6 million doses it was contracted to deliver this year.
Nearly 1.5 million teenage girls in some of the world’s poorest countries will miss the chance to be protected from cervical cancer because the drugmaker Merck has said it will not be able to deliver millions of promised doses of the HPV vaccine this year.
Merck has notified Gavi, the international organization that helps low- and middle-income countries deliver lifesaving immunizations, and UNICEF, which procures the vaccines, that it will deliver only 18.8 million of the 29.6 million doses it was contracted to deliver in 2024, Gavi said.
That means that more than 10 million girls will not receive their expected HPV shots this year — and 1.5 million of them most likely will never get them because they will be too old to qualify for the vaccine in subsequent years.
Patrick Ryan, a spokesman for Merck, said the company “experienced a manufacturing disruption” that required it to hold and reinspect many doses by hand. He declined to give further details about the cause of the delay.
“We are acting with urgency and rigor to deploy additional personnel and resources to resolve this matter as soon as possible,” he said.
Mr. Ryan said that Merck would deliver the delayed doses in 2025.
He also said the company would ship 30 million doses of the vaccine to Gavi-supported countries this year. However, about a third of these are doses that were supposed to have been sent in 2023, leaving Gavi with the 10.7 million dose shortfall.
Source: nytimes.com
Zanzibar licha ya kuwa na miundombinu ya barabara, bado ina safari ndefu ya kuziwezesha kuwa na sifa hiyoContinue Reading
Africa is steering clear of the debate on whether Israel should retaliate, de-escalate or if Iran was wrong or right in attacking Israel on Saturday last week.
Iran sent drones and missiles to Israel, marking the first direct attack on Tehran’s old-time enemy, even though the two had targeted each other via proxies.
And while world leaders have either condemned or urged escalation, the African Union is keeping a pass.
Read: How the Israeli-Hamas war is dividing Africa
European Union leaders were expected to discuss stepping up sanctions against Iran on Wednesday.
Sanctions are not supported by the AU in general. The bloc has always spoken about the need to lift sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe, Cuba and other countries by the West.
The AU had also been swift in condemning terrorist attacks around the world, including in Iran, and lay into Israel when it responded severely to the October 7 raid by Hamas, which is seen as an Iranian proxy by the West.
For Africa, the policy on Israel is never static. Israel had been growing its diplomatic footprint in Africa, reaching out to countries that had initially broken relations decades earlier.
After the October 7 attack in southern Israel by Hamas, however, countries like South Africa, Chad and Sudan announced pausing or downgrading ties in the wake of the brutality on Palestinians by the Israeli military.
South Africa and Algeria had also challenged AU’s initial steps to accept Israel as an observer state.
Read: Deny Israel observer status, activists ask AU
Yet the silence from the continental bloc hasn’t been reciprocated by member states, with some sticking out their voice in what could also show Africa is not speaking as one yet.
Kenya expressed concerns about Iran’s action, saying it is dangerous for the world.
“Kenya is deeply concerned by Iran’s attack on the state of Israel. This disturbing development only serves to aggravate an already delicate situation in the Middle East,” said President Ruto on X, formerly twitter.
“The attack represents a real and present threat to international peace and security, contravenes the Charter of the United Nations and should be condemned by all peace-loving countries.”
Kenya is deeply concerned by Iran’s attack on the State of Israel. This disturbing development only serves to aggravate an already delicate situation in the Middle East. The attack represents a real and present threat to international peace and security, contravenes the Charter…
— William Samoei Ruto, PhD (@WilliamsRuto) April 14, 2024
Ruto hadn’t spoken on earlier claims by Iran when Tehran said Israel had flattened a diplomatic mission belonging to Iran in Damascus, Syria, where seven officials died.
However, he urged Israel to show “utmost restraint taking into account the urgent need for all parties to walk away from the brink beyond which recovery will be enormously difficult”.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa said, “As UN Secretary General UN Antonio Guterres has stated, there is a very real danger of a devastating region-wide escalation.”
“In this context, South Africa emphasises that all parties must exercise the utmost restraint and avoid any act that would escalate tensions in a particularly fragile region.”
Read: S.Africa asks ICJ to weigh Israel’s Rafah attack
Some observers think Africa is scarred by the debacle of the war in Ukraine, when the continent was ignored on its plea for dialogue.
South Africa, Senegal, Uganda, the Republic of Congo, Comoros and Egypt even presented an “African Peace Proposal” to Ukraine and Russia but were ignored.
Meanwhile, world powers are pressing African countries to take sides.
South Africa, traditionally an ally of Moscow, faced potential for an Agoa ban if it continues to hold military cooperation with Russia, now heavily sanctioned in the West, for invading Ukraine.
After the Iranian attack, Moscow blamed the UN Security Council for failing to provide a response to Israel’s “provocation on Iran”.
“We have warned repeatedly that the numerous unresolved crises in the Middle East, primarily in the area of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which are often fuelled by irresponsible, provocative actions, will exacerbate tensions,” Moscow said on Monday.
Iran meanwhile has cited self-defence. Article 51 of the UN Charter says a nation or group of nations may have inherent right to self-defence or collective self-defence if attacked.
Some legal experts have argued the right to self-defence does not always mean resorting to deadly violence.
“The response was in the exercise of Iran’s inherent right to self-defence…and proportionate response to the Zionist Regime of Israel’s recurring military aggressions,” said the Iranian Embassy in Nairobi on Tuesday.
Iran had said Israel attacked its diplomatic premises in Damascus on April 13 “which led to the martyrdom of seven Iranian senior military advisers”.
Inaelezwa washtakiwa wakiwa raia wa Tanzania, waliondoka isivyo halali nchini kueleleka Afrika KusiniContinue Reading
Taxes and fees charged on African air tickets are higher than what airlines in other continents charge and are inhibiting air transport on the continent.
According to the African Airlines Association (Afraa), a leading trade association of airlines based in Ghana that researches aviation, the average amount paid in taxes and fees by passengers in Africa is more than twice what air travellers in other continents pay.
Taxes and fees on African air tickets averages $64 while in Europe it averages $30 per ticket while it is even lower in Middle East at $29.65.
The high add-on fees has inhibited the growth of air travel on the continent that is grappling with high poverty rates.
Regionally, Western and Central Africa rank as the most expensive regarding international passenger charges averaging $94.59 and $93.74.
However, passengers from Northern Africa pay the lowest in taxes and fees averaging $26.27.
The charges have been blamed on the unfriendly business environment, poor governance and less subsidies given to airlines in Africa compared to those abroad.
East African Business Council in a study on air space liberalisation in the EAC shows average departure charges account for 13 percent of the ticket prices for flights in EAC and eight percent for flights to other African countries.
Afraa notes that despite efforts by airlines to offer passengers low fares, taxes and fees cause total ticket prices to more than double of the base rate.
“The low purchasing power in Africa calls for interventions to evaluate the issue of high taxes and fees to stimulate demand and make air transport affordable to African citizens”, Afraa recommends.
Apart from passenger taxes levied directly on the ticket, airlines incur other charges connected to their operations in airports such as aircraft charge, landing, parking, passenger bus, and hangar among others.
In 2019 as noted by Afraa, the International Civil Aviation Organization, a United Nations agency, regulations stipulated fuel that accounted for 24.7 percent of operational costs by African airlines was not to be taxed.
However, other particular taxes and fees are applied to passengers.
Tanzania and Malawi are on the brink of a diplomatic standoff following Dodoma’s decision to commence the upgrade of Mbamba Bay Port, situated on the shores of Lake Malawi.
Lilongwe accuses Tanzania of initiating the project without consultation, given the contested nature of the port between the two nations.
Malawi has formally requested Tanzania to suspend the project, a move likely to escalate tensions between the neighbouring countries.
In a letter to Tanzanian authorities, the Government of Malawi asserts that proceeding with the project on Malawian territory without consent is both irregular and illegal.
Malawi insists that the project should cease until proper consultations are conducted and consent is obtained from the Malawian government.
“The Government of Malawi would like to express that embarking on such a project on Malawi’s territory without the country’s consent is irregular and illegal, and request that the project be halted until such necessary consultations and upon being given consent from the government of Malawi,” reads a letter, quoted by the Nation publication.
Furthermore, Malawi urges Tanzania to refrain from actions that could disrupt the dispute settlement process and jeopardise Malawi’s historical and legal rights to the entirety of Lake Malawi.
The Tanzania Port Authority (TPA) has already inked a $31.8 million construction deal with China’s Xiamen Ongoing Construction Group for the port, with a projected completion timeline of 24 months.
The unresolved boundary issue between the two nations has persisted for over a decade, with mediation efforts failing to yield conclusive results.
According to reports from the Nation publication, Malawi contends that the boundary should follow the shoreline of Lake Malawi, as stipulated in Article 1(2) of the 1890 Anglo-German Treaty.
Conversely, Tanzania maintains that the boundary is the median line of the lake, based on the principle of customary international law.
Source: allafrica.com
It’s been three years since the death of Tanzania’s former president John Magufuli and the rise to power of current president Samia Suluhu Hassan.
Magufuli was Tanzania’s fifth president. He came to power in 2015 and was re-elected in 2020 in a poll that was marred by controversy.
Magufuli brought lasting changes to Tanzania’s political landscape during his six-year tenure. His approach sparked differing opinions, both within the country and on the international stage.
Inside the country he was loved and loathed almost in equal measure.
Read: Magufuli: Mining reforms, roads over political space
To his detractors, his administration was marked by a decline in political and civic space and by international isolation. Early in his presidency, Magufuli’s no-nonsense approach won praise across the globe. He publicly reprimanded government officials, demanding fiscal discipline and accountability.
Over time, however, his critics saw his style as bordering on authoritarianism. He banned political rallies, stifled the media, promised to annihilate the opposition, and banned the return to school of teenage mothers.
His loyal supporters saw him as an anti-imperialist development icon. They backed him as a benevolent dictator – a leader who wields absolute power but uses it to benefit the populace.
The anniversary of his death in mid-March presented an opportunity to reflect on his legacy and the character of the political debates leading up to the 2025 elections in Tanzania.
In the three years since Samia Suluhu Hassan took over the presidency following his death, she has reversed most of the retrogressive policies introduced by Magufuli. She has also restructured both the party and the government.
As an international relations academic who has researched party politics and democratisation of Tanzania for more than 10 years, I believe these two sets of changes will be felt in the election.
Samia’s reversal of repressive measures will give impetus to the opposition. And the changes she has made to the ruling party will entrench its electoral dominance in 2025.
Read: Tanzania’s radical shift under Samia
She consolidated her base and then won back some of the Magufuli loyalists. These calculated steps towards consolidating power will be pivotal in the 2025 elections.
Samia has introduced reforms that have opened up the political and civic spaces. She set up a task force on political reforms that recommended restructuring of the electoral process. Election laws have been reviewed and public rallies are allowed after they were banned in 2016.
The effect has been to boost the opposition’s chances of gaining ground against the ruling party. These reforms have benefited the two leading opposition parties. Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema) and ACT-Wazalendo can now organise public rallies and push for additional reforms, including a new constitution. In the last (2020) polls, the opposition was crippled by state repression.
With the lifting of the ban on political rallies, the opposition has been holding countrywide campaigns. The opposition is now able to hold demonstrations with police protection, something that was unthinkable three years ago.
Read: Chadema opposes electoral reforms in Dar march
Despite this, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party will continue to have an advantage. This is due to Samia’s failure to implement some electoral reforms as recommended by the task force.
Three electoral reform bills – the National Electoral Commission Bill 2023, the Political Parties Affairs Laws (Amendment) Bill 2023 and the Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Government Elections Bill 2023 – were passed by parliament but did not reflect any meaningful change.
Samia’s ascendancy to the presidency was not automatic. While the country’s constitution states that the vice-president assumes office upon the death of a president, there were factions within the ruling party that wanted to prevent her from taking over. She came into power with limited political capital both within her party and outside.
Read: Two years of Samia’s reforms in Tanzania
She made this known soon after being sworn in as president. Recently, the ex-army chief Venance Mabeyo provided additional insights into the transition following Magufuli’s death.
He said the transition was managed by security officials (chief of defence forces, director general of intelligence services and inspector general of police) who later briefed the prime minister. Astonishingly, the vice-president was the last senior government official to be briefed about the death of the president.
But upon taking office, she built a solid base of trusted party insiders. This she did with the help of former president Jakaya Kikwete. She immediately sacked some of the so-called Magufuli loyalists. They included two trusted confidants and close advisors of Magufuli, chief secretary Bashiru Ally and minister of foreign affairs Palamagamba Kabudi.
She also brought people who had been sidelined by Mafuguli back on board. These included January Makamba, a presidential aspirant in 2015; Nape Nnauye, a former party secretary for ideology and publicity; and Abdulrahman Kinana, the party’s secretary general.
Makamba and Nnauye were reinstated to the cabinet and Kinana returned as the mainland vice-chairman of the party. The three were the leading campaigners in the election of Magufuli before falling out.
In recent months, Samia has brought back some trusted former allies of Magufuli in what is seen by many in Tanzania as an attempt to win back support from his camp.
In August 2023, she appointed Doto Biteko, a key ally of Magufuli, as deputy prime minister: a new position that is not in the constitution. Biteko also assumed the role of Energy minister.
Samia also brought back Paul Makonda, former Dar es Salaam regional commissioner, as the ideology and publicity secretary of the ruling party. Makonda’s return is seen as an attempt to crack down on dissent within and beyond the ruling party.
Read: Makonda out as ruling CCM rings in key secretariat changes ahead of civic polls
Bringing Biteko and Makonda on board could shore up party support from the vote-rich Lake zone, home to the Sukuma, Magufuli’s ethnic group.
Samia’s departure from her predecessor’s policies, coupled with her strategic political manoeuvres, has won her support within her party and among the broader public. Nonetheless, she could still face resistance from hard-line factions within her party who may seek to undermine her in the 2025 general elections.
By Nicodemus Minde -Adjunct Lecturer, United States International University
Drug regulators in Tanzania, Rwanda and Zimbabwe have recalled a batch of Johnson & Johnson children’s cough syrup as a precautionary measure after their Nigerian counterpart said laboratory tests found high levels of toxicity.
The countries join Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa in recalling the same batch of the syrup, which is used to treat coughs, hay fever and other allergic reactions in children. South Africa has also recalled an additional batch.
Laboratory tests on the syrup by Nigeria’s health regulator showed a high level of diethylene glycol, which has been linked to the deaths of dozens of children in Gambia, Uzbekistan and Cameroon since 2022 in one of the world’s worst waves of poisoning from oral medication.
Read: Grief and outrage in Gambia over cough syrup deaths
Diethylene glycol is toxic to humans when consumed and can result in acute kidney failure.
The batch of Benylin Paediatric syrup recalled was made by J&J in South Africa in May 2021, although Kenvue now owns the brand after a spin-off from J&J last year.
Tanzania Medicines and Medical Devices Authority (TMDA) said it had begun the recall on April 12 after hearing about the Nigerian test results.
“This is an exercise that does not involve investigation but rather monitoring to ensure that those affected drugs are removed from the market,” TMDA spokesperson Gaudensia Simwanza told Reuters on Monday.
A spokesperson for Kenya’s drug regulator said its test results on the syrup would likely be ready on Wednesday.
“A review of our safety database doesn’t reveal any adverse events reported,” the Rwanda Food and Drugs Authority said in a statement dated April 12.
“However, Rwanda FDA issues the present recall for precautionary measures.”
Zimbabwe’s Medicines Control Agency said that it did not have a record of the product’s importation into Zimbabwe, but that it was concerned the syrup could enter the local market illegally. It said it would step up inspections in case.
Kenvue said in a statement that it was conducting its own assessment and working with health authorities to determine a course of action.
