Katika mfumo wa uchumi wa sarafu kidunia (fiat money system), fedha zilizo katika mzunguko zinaweza kupitia mabadiliko kadhaa kutokana na mwenendo wa kiuchumi, matumizi ya kila siku, na jinsi zinavyohifadhiwa na watumiaji. Hivyo, kutokana na mambo haya, uimara, uthabiti, na thamani yake yanategemea pia hali hizo.Continue Reading
Mahakama ya Hakimu Mkazi Kisutu, imewahukumu Watanzania 64 kulipa faini ya Sh40,000 kila mmoja au kwenda jela miezi sita, baada ya kupatikana na hatia ya kuondoka ndani ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania na kwenda Afrika Kusini bila kufuata taratibu za uhamiaji.Continue Reading
Dar es Salaam, lango kuu la kiuchumi Tanzania, barabara zake ni hatari kwa magari. Barabara kuu zote zipo kwenye ujenzi, zile za mitaani na zenye kuunganisha vitongoji, zimesheheni mashimo.
Hatari zaidi, upo mfumo wa kuziba mashimo kwa kuweka viraka. Mafundi wanachonga lile shimo, wanalitanua na kulipa umbo la pembe nne. Baada ya utanuzi huo, wanaliacha hadi miezi miwili. Hatari kwa madereva, hasa wageni wa barabara husika.
Wazoefu huendesha kwa uzoefu. Anafika mahali anapunguza mwendo kwa sababu ameshajua shimo lililochongwa lipo karibu. Hakuna taa wala alama za tahadhari kuwa mbele kuna shimo.
Miezi michache iliyopita nchi ilipita kwenye mafuriko. Dar es Salaam iliathirika. Miundombinu ikatoneshwa, sasa ni mibovu ajabu. Zile hadithi kuwa watu wanaoishi mabondeni ndiyo hawapo salama, tafsiri inahama.
Dar es Salaam kila sehemu ni bondeni. Hata maeneo yaliyopo uwanda wa juu yalikumbwa na mafuriko na sasa barabara ni taabani. Unapoendesha gari Dar es Salaam, nenda taratibu. Utaua chombo, unaweza kupoteza maisha pia.
Anzia Mikocheni hadi Tegeta, Mbezi Beach mpaka Ununio, usiku unaweza kukuta magari mitaroni. Ukimuuliza dereva, anasema alikuwa anakwepa shimo. Mwenyewe aliendesha mwendo wa kasi akidhani barabara ni salama. Dar siyo salama.
Ujenzi holela, fedha zinazidi nguvu sayansi. Utatuzi wa matatizo kwa kutumia mawazo kidogo yenye mtazamo wa muda mfupi, badala ya kufikiria miaka mingi ijayo. Hapa ndipo nchi inaumizwa na inauawa taratibu. Bila hatua za haraka tutarithisha watoto na wajukuu nchi mfu.
Mvua kidogo, barabara zinatengeneza matundu kila mahali. Dar es Salaam haina barabara ambayo unaweza kuendesha japo kilomita 120 kwa saa, hata kama barabarani upo peke yako na hakuna alama za udhibiti mwendo. Sababu barabara ni mbovu, haziaminiki. Ni mitego tupu kwa madereva.
Barabara zinazojengwa, zinabanwa na kuwekewa matofali yenye kuakisi taa. Yale matofali barabarani ni salama kama dereva unaendesha kipindi ambacho hakuna gari lingine linatokea unapoelekea. Hatari zaidi, dereva wa gari linalokuelekea awashe taa kali. Hutaona tofali. Madereva wengi huyagonga matofali na kuharibu magari.
Askari wa usalama barabarani na magari ya breakdown, kwao ni mtaji gari likigonga tofali barabarani. Mimi ni shuhuda wa tukio la gari aina ya Toyota IST, liligonga tofali eneo la Makumbusho, Kijitonyama, mbele ya Millenium Tower. Kulitoa gari pale kulipeleka Kituo cha Polisi Kijitonyama, kadirio la kilomita moja na nusu, breakdown walilipwa Sh250,000 na trafiki akataka apewe Sh150,000, eti ili amalize kesi.
Trafiki akasema, asingelipwa hiyo pesa, angeandika ripoti kwenda Tanroads kuwa gari lile, IST, liliharibu tofali la ukingo wa barabara. Ukiangalia, tofali ni zima, IST uso wa mbele umeharibika, hadi mifuko ya usalama (airbags), ilitoka.
Ni Tanzania na Watanzania. Trafiki (askari wa usalama barabarani), anafika kwenye ajali, hataki kujua watu ndani ya gari wapo salama kiasi gani, anaomba Sh150,000, eti ndiyo amsaidie mwenye gari kuepuka kesi. Unajiuliza, hata ukienda mahakamani, kesi ya uzito gani?
Kuhusu ubovu wa barabara Dar es Salaam, mashimo na uwekaji viraka unaochukua muda mrefu, inadhihirisha namna ambavyo ujenzi unafanyika chini kabisa ya viwango mbele ya viongozi wanaoomba bajeti, wanaopewa na kuzisimamia. Wataalamu pia wapo.
Janga la taifa ni rushwa na ufisadi. Viongozi na wataalamu wanaotegemewa kuisaidia nchi, wanafuja fedha za miradi, matokeo yake miundombinu inajengwa nchini ya kiwango. Makandarasi wanahonga kushinda zabuni. Vigezo vya kisayansi havina tija mbele ya mlungula.
Kifo cha nchi ni kuwa na viongozi wenye kuwaza leo badala ya kesho. Matatizo mengi Dar es Salaam ni ujenzi unaoingilia njia za maji. Mwenye fedha anahamisha uelekeo wa maji, matokeo yake madhara makubwa hutokea pale mvua zinaponyesha mfululizo. Maji yanapanda hadi kwenye miinuko.
Kama mapinduzi ya fikra hayatakaribishwa Tanzania, ikapatikana tiba ya jinsi ya kutatua matatizo ya watu kwa usahihi, rushwa ikachukiwa kutoka ndani ya fikra na moyoni, suluhu zikatazamwa za kudumu na kujenga dhamira ya kuiacha nchi salama kwa vizazi vijavyo, historia itatoa hukumu mbaya kwa hiki kizazi chetu kinachoishi sasa.
Ukipita Unguja, kasi ya ujenzi wa barabara ni kubwa. Barabara bora na imara kabisa. Unaweza kupata jawabu kwamba miaka mitatu ijayo, Unguja (Zanzibar), itakuwa jiji lenye barabara nzuri na za uhakika, wakati Dar es Salaam ikibaki hohehahe na barabara zake zinazoua magari.Continue Reading
Wasifu wa Msingi wa Idadi ya Watu na Hali ya Kiuchumi wa Tanzania wa Mwaka 2022 ulionyesha zaidi ya kaya nne kati ya tano nchini (asilimia 81.6) zinategemea mkaa na kuni, kama chanzo cha nishati ya kupikia.Continue Reading
Serikali ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar imetangaza kuendeleza ushirikiano na Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania katika kushughulikia changamoto za nishati ya umeme zinazolikabili eneo la Zanzibar.Continue Reading
Tanzania imepanda katika viwango vya uhuru wa habari kutoka nafasi ya 143 mwaka 2023 hadi nafasi ya 97 mwaka huu.Continue Reading
Tanzania’s upcoming local government elections are eliciting curious questions on why the country has a different set of rules for the municipal polls, from those governing general elections.
The nationwide civic poll scheduled for November 27 is for chairpersons and council members at village, street and hamlet levels, while the general election slated for October 2025 involves filling the presidential, parliamentary and ward seats.
In Tanzania, the tradition has always been to hold the two exercises at least one year apart, regardless of expenses involved, with the Ministry of Regional Administration and Local Governments (Tamisemi) supervising the former and the electoral commission overseeing the latter.
A notably baffling aspect of this historic arrangement has been that each of these entities is allowed to apply its own set of rules for listing voters, vetting and approving candidates, supervising ballot box procedures, counting the votes right down to announcing the final tally.
The National Assembly sought to clear up this apparent confusion through a series of changes to the election laws that were endorsed in February this year, under pressure from reformist activists.
However, in practice, the contradictions have remained and are looming larger as the latest civic poll approaches.
Tanzania’s 1977 Constitution, which is still in use restricts the electoral commission’s responsibilities to supervising and coordinating all aspects of the presidential, parliamentary and ward councillor elections.
But it makes no mention of the lower grassroots elections, or who should be in charge of conducting them. Until February, this was covered by two separate pieces of legislation for local government district and urban authorities, which named Tamisemi as the main overseer of the local government elections.
These laws were repealed by the introduction of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) Act of 2024, replacing the previous National Elections Act and re-establishing the commission under a new name — Independent National Electoral Commission (Inec).
The new law also formally shifted the onus of managing the local government elections from Tamisemi to Inec. Under Section 10 (1) (c) of the new law, Inec’s functions will henceforth include “supervising and coordinating the conduct of local government elections in villages, mtaa and kitongoji subject to procedures to be prescribed in the law to be enacted by parliament.”
Mtaa and kitongoji in this sense mean residential groups of 10 to 12 neighbouring households. Clause 26 of the law’s miscellaneous provisions section also states that the commission will “make regulations and guidelines, and issue directives for effective implementation of its functions.”
But, since the new NEC Act came into force following President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s assent in March, no progress has been made in enacting the second law spelling out the “procedures” for INEC to conduct the neighbourhood election.
Both Chadema and ACT Wazalendo, Tanzania’s two main opposition parties, have expressed misgivings over the delay in tabling the law for parliamentary approval in time for this year’s poll, describing it as a ploy by the ruling CCM party to ensure it retains the upper hand in this election.
And on October 28, Tanzania’s High Court threw out a petition brought by three private citizens challenging Tamisemi’s continued supervision of the civic election despite the new law not giving it the mandate to fill the gap caused by the delay.
Judge David Ngunyale ruled that in the absence of the supporting law, local government elections oversight should remain unchanged from the previous legislation even though it had been repealed.
His ruling added fresh fuel to the long-standing debate on what type of impact Tamisemi and Inec’s overlapping roles have on ensuring the country’s entire elections processes move smoothly from grassroots to national levels.
An early sign of the kind of complications inherent in the present scenario was Tamisemi’s decision to sign up voters afresh for the upcoming civic ballot instead of using the Permanent National Voters Register that Inec began updating in July ahead of the general election next year.
The ministry, which operates directly under the President’s Office, last week published record voter registration figures of 31.28 million Tanzanians for the November 27 poll, with the numbers in at least five regions exceeding its own estimates based on Tanzania’s 2022 national census.
By contrast, Inec approximates its own registry update to yield an 18.7 percent increase in eligible voters from 29.75 million in 2020 to 34.7 million by 2025, after some names are removed for reasons such as death or renouncement of Tanzanian citizenship.
The electoral commission announced that it had purchased about 6,000 new, Android-programmed biometric voter registration (BVR) kits for the job, and also set up an online system for previously registered citizens to update their personal details themselves via computer or smartphone before visiting registration centres in person to obtain voter identification cards.
Tamisemi conducted its voters registration operation manually and on-the-spot, the results being delivered amid widespread claims of its registry books being padded with ineligible voters such as persons known to be dead and schoolchildren under the legal voting age of 18.
Tanzania’s 2022 national census figures indicated a total 61.4 million population across all demographics, including 28.6 million below the age of 16.
In the wake of the voter registration controversy, public attention in Tanzania has now switched to how the rest of the civic polls preparations will go, what will transpire on voting day, and the aftermath.
Monrovia — The Rwanda Minister of State responsible for Health, Dr. Yvan Butera, cautioned that while the country is beginning to see positive signals in its fight against the Marburg virus, the outbreak is “not yet over”. He, however, expressed hope that “we are headed in that direction”. The minister said the epidemiology trend, since the disease was first discovered in the country more than a month ago, is moving towards fewer cases.
Dr. Butera, who was giving updates during an online briefing yesterday, said in the past two weeks, only two deaths were recorded while 14 people recovered from the disease. He said Rwanda was expanding its testing capacity with 16,000 people already inoculated against the disease.
The priority right now, Butera said, is “rapid testing and detection”.
Marburg is a highly virulent disease transmitted through human-to-human contact or contact with an infected animal. The fatality rate of cases, which has varied over the period, is more than 50%, according to the World Health Organization. WHO said the highest number of new confirmed cases in Rwanda were reported in the first two weeks of the outbreak. There’s been a “sharp decline” in the last few weeks, with the country now tackling over 60 cases.
At Thursday’s briefing, a senior official of the Africa Centers for Disease Control, Dr. Ngashi Ngongo, said mpox – the other infectious disease outbreak that countries in the region are fighting – was been reported in 19 countries, with Mauritius being the latest country to confirm a case. He said although no new cases have been recorded in recent weeks in several countries where outbreaks occurred previously – including Cameroon, South Africa, Guinea, and Gabon – Uganda confirmed its first Mpox death. This, he said, is one of two fatalities reported outside Central Africa.
Dr. Ngashi revealed that there was an increase in cases in Liberia and Uganda. He said mpox cases were still on an upward trend.
“The situation is not yet under control.”
Source: allafrica.com
Tanzania’s geographical location and conflict mediation experience make it well placed to bridge the region’s various peace efforts.
Tanzania is a member of both the East and Southern African regional organisations currently trying to resolve the conflict in east Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Although often regarded as affiliating more with the south, Tanzania could use its history of conflict mediation – and its geographical location – to align the two blocs’ priorities on the crisis.
After the DRC joined the East African Community (EAC) in 2022, the EAC-led Nairobi Process deployed the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) to east DRC. Tanzania participated in the Nairobi Process and helped finance it, but didn’t contribute troops. At the time, it had already sent soldiers and logistical support to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission in Mozambique.
When the DRC declined to extend EACRF’s mandate due to its inability to rein in the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel group, SADC stepped in. It deployed the SADC Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC) in December 2023, giving it an offensive mandate against the insurgents.
Tanzania, along with Malawi and South Africa, committed troops to the mission – reviving concerns that Tanzania aligned more with Southern than East Africa on regional matters. However, the country has stressed its commitment to both SADC and the EAC efforts in the DRC.
Tanzania has long been a pivotal actor in resolving conflicts in the Great Lakes region. It facilitated the Rwandan peace talks, which led to the Arusha Accords that preceded the 1994 genocide. It played a similar role in the Burundi peace process during the 2000s, contributing significantly to another set of agreements (also called the Arusha Accords).
Tanzania was also a leading supporter of Southern African nations during their liberation struggles, serving as a sanctuary and strategic base for key figures in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Angola and South Africa’s independence movements. Tanzania provided them with logistical support and moral backing, highlighting the country’s dedication to the cause of African unity.
However, despite these notable efforts, the perception that Tanzania gravitates more towards the south has grown. Can the country reconcile this view with its role in East Africa’s peace efforts? And can it use its membership of both SADC and the EAC to mediate their different approaches?
While both blocs seek to stabilise east DRC, SADC targets inter-state issues between the DRC and Rwanda, whereas the EAC’s Nairobi Process focuses on the broader conflict involving various armed groups. Although the approaches are complementary, regional organisations need to work together on a long-term solution to the conflict.
In August, Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan was appointed Chair of the SADC Troika on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation. This position could enhance the country’s role in regional stability, creating a bridge between East and Southern African approaches in east DRC.
In July, Tanzania hosted a retreat of East African Community and foreign affairs ministers in Zanzibar to discuss regional integration and security, including the east DRC crisis. The meeting concluded that a political settlement was the most viable path to lasting peace and security in the region. It recommended convening an EAC heads of state summit to reinvigorate the Nairobi Process, working in tandem with the Luanda Process.
The Luanda Process – led by Angolan President João Lourenço on behalf of the African Union – recently held inter-ministerial dialogues between Rwanda and the DRC. Despite brokering several ceasefires and agreements, the initiative faces significant hurdles, and fighting between M23 and the Congolese army continues. While the Luanda Process works through bilateral mechanisms, a revitalised Nairobi Process could involve more countries.
Tanzania’s decision not to contribute troops to the EACRF was strategic. Foreign ministry officials told ISS Today that a diplomatic fallout with Rwanda in 2013 over proposed negotiations with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) – a Hutu rebel group active in east DRC – informed its decision to remain neutral as DRC-Rwanda tensions grew.
This stance served Tanzania well, improving relations with Rwanda and safeguarding its broader geostrategic interests in the region. After entering the EAC in 2002, the DRC overtook Kenya and Uganda to become Tanzania’s leading export market.
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Although SAMIDRC is struggling to show results in east DRC, its three troop-contributing countries were instrumental in the 2013 United Nations Force Intervention Brigade, which helped restore stability by defeating M23. Despite SAMIDRC’s chronic personnel, equipment and funding shortages, Tanzania remains committed to the mission and the importance of regional coalitions in addressing the crisis.
Tanzania’s decision to participate in the SADC mission reflects historical and geopolitical considerations. While acknowledging its long-standing ties and responsibilities within SADC, it’s also mindful of its EAC membership, navigating between its commitments in these two regions.
This dual involvement positions Tanzania as a bridge to harmonise the strategic interests of both EAC and SADC. And the EAC ministerial retreat in July underscored the country’s dedication to fostering this role.
Nicodemus Minde, Researcher, East Africa Peace and Security Governance, ISS Nairobi
Source: allafrica.com
The act of planting trees offers more than shade and fruit. It symbolizes a deeper mission–restoring soil, preserving water, and, for these students, living in Tanzania’s northern Rorya district, delivering a form of climate justice. The reforestation efforts are in step with Tanzania’s broader plans to fortify its agriculture and water systems against the advancing climate crisis.
MUSOMA, Tanzania, Oct 30 2024 (IPS) – At Gabimori primary school, located at Nyamagaro ward in Tanzania’s northern Rorya district, a 15-year-old Florence Sadiki kneels among polyethylene bags, carefully examining the seedlings she and her classmates have nurtured from tiny sprouts “We’ve planted many trees to make our school look better and to help fight climate change,” she says.
Sadiki is part of an inspiring grassroots movement in the east African country where students, teachers, and community members team up to fight environmental degradation through reforestation. In Rorya district, nestled on the shores of Lake Victoria, rampant deforestation driven by charcoal production has left the land barren. But the efforts of school environmental clubs, supported by the Lake Community Program (LACOP), are working to repair the damage.
The reality in Rorya is grim. Erratic rainfall and prolonged droughts have changed swathes of once-fertile land into dry savannas, a trend that has only accelerated since the initiative began in 2022. Spearheaded by the global charity World Neighbors and the Lake Community Development Foundation (LACODEFO), this initiative empowers students to plant trees and learn the entire process of growing them.
“We’re teaching students to set up their own nurseries,” says Idrisa Lema, the project officer. “It’s not enough to hand out seedlings. They need to learn the whole process–choosing drought-resistant species, improving soil with organic manure, and using techniques like mulching.” This holistic approach promotes sustainability and equips students with transferable skills that can help them for the rest of their lives.
In the past two years, the students have successfully planted 2,800 trees across five villages, a remarkable achievement that has already begun to bear fruit. Some once-dry water springs are starting to flow again. Yet challenges remain, particularly in Nyamagaro and neighboring Kyangasaga villages, where erratic rainfall and drought continue to hinder progress.
“Watering the trees is tough,” admits Alex Lwitiko, an environmental teacher at Rorya Girls’ School. “We’ve had to be strict with the students–otherwise, the trees wouldn’t survive.”
To adapt, students have switched to innovative solutions like bottle irrigation and even drilled water wells to support their young trees. “We focus on drought-resistant species and organic farming methods to give the trees the best chance,” Lwitiko says, emphasizing the program’s commitment to teaching sustainability.
Sadiki herself has learned to adapt. “I know how to graft trees and grow them in tough conditions now,” she says. “These trees are our future. They fight climate change, provide shade, and even improve soil fertility.”
In Tanzania, the impact of climate change is becoming increasingly severe. The country aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 30 to 35 percent by 2030, a goal outlined in its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). Despite its low carbon footprint–just 0.22 tons per capita compared to the global average of 7.58–Tanzania is reeling from climate-related disasters. Droughts, floods, and erratic weather patterns disrupt agriculture, drying up water sources and threatening economic stability.
For the rural poor, especially those who rely on farming–the backbone of the economy, making up 28 percent of GDP–the stakes are higher. But in places like Nyagisya and Rorya Girls Secondary Schools, students have taken up the fight. Through tree planting, they have become unlikely climate crusaders, tackling environmental degradation while improving food security and boosting local livelihoods.
The act of planting trees offers more than shade and fruit. It symbolizes a deeper mission–restoring soil, preserving water, and, for these students, delivering a form of climate justice. The reforestation efforts are in step with Tanzania’s broader plans to fortify its agriculture and water systems against the advancing climate crisis.
As these student-led initiatives flourish, they mirror Tanzania’s urgent call for global support. With limited resources, the country is striving to fulfill its commitments yet it recognizes that the battle against climate change is a collective endeavor that requires unity on a global scale.
Despite the promising efforts in Tanzania, significant challenges remain. One of the main hurdles is the unpredictability of funding. Tree-planting initiatives and climate adaptation programs require sustained financial support, but resources are often limited, local analysts say.
Without consistent funding, scaling up projects and maintaining long-term impact becomes difficult.
While students have embraced environmental stewardship, not all local households are on board. In some areas, livestock continues to graze on young saplings, undoing the hard work of reforestation. Additionally, cultural and economic pressures, such as the reliance on charcoal for income and firewood for cooking, contribute to ongoing deforestation, making conservation efforts harder.
Erratic rainfall and worsening drought conditions present another barrier. Water scarcity makes it harder to nurture newly planted trees, despite innovative solutions. These conditions also strain local agriculture, which many families depend on, increasing the urgency of balancing conservation with survival needs.
While Tanzania has ambitious climate goals, the gap between policy and practical implementation remains wide, particularly in rural areas where the effects of climate change are felt most acutely.
At Gabimori Primary School, students have embraced their role as environmental stewards. “They’ve seen how conservation affects their daily lives,” says teacher Witinga Mattambo. “They now understand the link between the trees and the food they eat.”
The impact is vivid for students like Sadiki. “I never realized trees were this important,” she says. “They bring rain and improve our environment.”
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For Lema, this is only the beginning. By fostering leadership skills and engaging the broader community, the program is building a new generation of Tanzanians dedicated to environmental protection. “We’ve even seen parents get involved,” Lwitiko says. “They’re starting to plant trees in their own yards.”
Still, the program faces hurdles. Some households allow their livestock to graze on young saplings, undoing the hard work of the students. “It’s frustrating,” admits Lwitiko, “but we’re making progress, step by step.”
Lema has ambitious plans to expand the initiative.
“We’re training students to pass on their knowledge,” he says. “As they move on, they’ll teach younger students, and we’ll spread this effort to other schools.” But scaling the program will require more funding.
“We’re working on securing more resources and partnering with local governments to enforce tree-planting bylaws,” Lema explains. There are also plans to set up household tree nurseries, allowing families to earn extra income while contributing to conservation.
For Sadiki, the program’s impact is lasting.
“We have the duty to plant trees and protect our environment. It’s something we’ll carry with us for the rest of our lives.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
Source: allafrica.com
