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DAR ES SALAAM: TODAY, the spotlight is on the official launch of the much-anticipated Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) electric train services between Dar es Salaam and Dodoma, marking a transformative milestone for Tanzania’s transportation sector.

President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who is gracing the launch, continues the legacy of her predecessors with unwavering dedication.

The new SGR electric train services signify a major leap forward in the country’s infrastructure, offering increased efficiency and connectivity.

This modern rail link is set to revolutionise travel within Tanzania by significantly cutting journey hours and boosting economic activities across various regions.

The SGR electric train service from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma is expected to reduce travel time to just three hours and 25 minutes.

Said Kaoneka, a Kigamboni resident, anticipates that the transport system will ease commuting for employees who work in Dodoma with their families living in Dar es Salaam.

This substantial improvement is likely to enhance economic activities by enabling faster movement of goods and people, thus promoting regional connectivity and economic integration.

The timing of the inauguration coincides with the commencement of the Nane Nane agricultural exhibitions, starting July 31 and running until August 9. This alignment highlights the SGR’s role in supporting major national events and fostering regional engagement.

Former President Jakaya Kikwete has lauded the initiative, commending President Samia for her commitment to completing the SGR project.

Dr Kikwete, who travelled on the new electric train from Dar es Salaam to Morogoro, praised the comfort and efficiency of the service, noting its significant reduction in travelling hours compared to road travel.

“I am very pleased to have travelled on this new train. It’s very comfortable. I deliberately chose to travel by train to see the progress we have made,” Dr Kikwete remarked.

The efficient SGR service is anticipated to stimulate regional development by enhancing connectivity between economic hubs.

Improved transport infrastructure is expected to attract investment, facilitate trade and provide a more reliable means of travel for passengers and freight alike. Additionally, the enhanced rail connectivity could spur tourism and support local economies along the rail corridor.

Dr Kikwete also highlighted the broader economic benefits of the SGR, noting its high capacity for transporting goods and its potential to further boost economic activities, especially when the railway extends to Mwanza.

“The SGR and electric train services offer great benefits due to the shorter travel time, which facilitates various social and economic activities,” he said.

ALSO READ: Bullish start as SGR electric train makes maiden journey to Dodoma

Carlos Mrema, a Dodoma city resident, believes the SGR will boost the economy of traders by saving time and facilitating cargo transport.

Eva Minde, a trader in Dodoma, expects the SGR electric train to make day trips to Dar es Salaam more manageable, allowing her to continue her business smoothly.

A local motorcycle rider sees the project as an opportunity to increase income and create job opportunities, including for cleaners.

The Tanzania Railways Corporation (TRC) has reported smooth operations for the SGR service between Dar es Salaam and Morogoro since its commencement in June 2024.

The absence of operational challenges is a positive sign of the service’s reliability. TRC Director General Masanja Kadogosa emphasized the corporation’s commitment to maintaining high operational standards.

“We are proud of the smooth operations so far and we are dedicated to ensuring that the SGR service continues to meet the highest standards of efficiency and safety. Our focus remains on delivering a reliable service for all passengers,” Kadogosa said.

The TRC’s stringent passenger conditions, including restrictions on plastic bags and large unwrapped items, reflect a commitment to safety and operational efficiency.

Safety measures advised by the SGR contractor, Yapi Merkezi, such as using designated crossings and avoiding electrified rail areas, are crucial for preventing accidents and ensuring the railway infrastructure’s longevity.

The official launch of Tanzania’s electric train services is a major milestone in the country’s transportation infrastructure.

This development is poised to enhance connectivity, drive regional growth and set a precedent for future infrastructure projects, underscoring the importance of modern transportation solutions in advancing national progress.

Source: allafrica.com

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Des Moines — Consult Communities, Restore Social Services in Ngorongoro Conservation Area

Tanzania‘s government is forcibly relocating Indigenous Maasai residents from their homes and ancestral lands in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA), Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Before further relocations are planned or carried out, the Tanzanian authorities should restore essential public services and consult affected communities to seek their free, prior, and informed consent.

The 86-page report, “It’s Like Killing Culture,” documents the Tanzanian government program that began in 2022 to relocate over 82,000 people from the NCA to Msomera village, about 600 kilometers away, to use their land for conservation and tourism purposes. Since 2021, the authorities have significantly reduced the availability and accessibility of essential public services, including schools and health centers. This downsizing of infrastructure and services, coupled with limiting access to cultural sites and grazing areas and a ban on growing crops, has made life increasingly difficult for residents, forcing many to relocate.

“The Maasai are being forcibly evicted under the guise of voluntary relocation,” said Juliana Nnoko, senior researcher on women and land at Human Rights Watch. “The Tanzanian government should halt these relocations and respect the rights of Indigenous people and rural communities by ensuring their participation in decisions affecting their rights and livelihoods through genuine consultation, access to information, and consent of Indigenous groups.”

The NCA, a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization World Heritage Site is managed by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA), a government entity. The area has been home to the Maasai for generations.

The government has not sought the free, prior, and informed consent of the Indigenous Maasai residents in the area about the government’s resettlement plan, Human Rights Watch found. The residents did not have access to information on matters related to the relocation process, compensation, what conditions to expect in Msomera, and which villagers had registered for relocation. By disregarding its obligations, the government raises serious concerns about the prospects for accountability, justice, and remedies required under international, regional, and national law.

Human Rights Watch interviewed nearly 100 people between August 2022 and December 2023, including current residents in the conservation area, former residents now in Msomera village, and Msomera residents who had already been living there. They described violations of their rights to land, education, health, and compensation and attacks on critics of the relocation process.

“No [government] leader has come to listen to the citizens of Ngorongoro to know what their problems are,” said a village council member in the NCA. The lack of consultation has prevented meaningful engagement and exacerbated the harm to residents in both locales.

The authorities have instituted new rules that restrict movement in and out of the conservation area. Since 2022, the NCAA security personnel have arbitrarily required residents to show various types of identification to verify their place of residence and permit entry, even if that resident is known to the guard. Guards deny residents entry or force them to pay a relatively costly tourist fee to enter if they do not have the specific type of identification demanded.

The authorities have denied entry to nongovernmental organizations or followed and monitored their representatives who have been permitted access. Authorities have also imposed increasingly exorbitant entry fees for local groups: an annual fee in 2022, a vehicle fee per entry in 2023, and a per person and per vehicle fee for each entry in 2024.

These actions make it difficult for local groups to continue supporting the Maasai communities in the area and make it increasingly hard for residents to get information and other support.

Residents told Human Rights Watch that the relationship between conservation authority’s rangers, who guard entry points and other areas in the NCA, and community members has deteriorated dramatically since the government began the relocation program. Rangers have attacked, beaten, and harassed residents if they do not comply with the government’s rules. Human Rights Watch documented 13 incidents of beatings by rangers between September 2022 and July 2023.

The government’s relocation and resettlement processes have reinforced gender inequality, Human Rights Watch said. The head of the household, usually a man, registers the family for relocation. During the relocation, the government destroys the family’s homestead, leaving any relatives, including wives, who opted to stay behind, homeless and dependent on extended family. Human Rights Watch identified several women who were not involved in registering, refused to move with their husbands, and were left homeless.

Failure to consult has resulted in the government providing a single three-room house for each resettled Maasai head of household, which does not reflect the needs or complexities of their large, polygamous, multi-generational, and multi-household families.

The authorities have also displaced Msomera residents to resettle families relocated from the conservation area, labelling Msomera resident as “trespassers” and “squatters” and threatening them with arrest and eviction if they protest or talk to the media.

Those who speak out against the relocation, including NCA and Msomera residents and human rights defenders, have faced threats and intimidation from rangers and security forces, creating a climate of fear. “You’re not allowed to say anything,” one Msomera resident said, adding that people have “fear in their hearts.”

The Tanzanian government’s relocation process violates rights protected by national, regional, and international law and standards, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People. The forced evictions constitute gross violations of a range of internationally recognized human rights, including to adequate housing, food, water, health, education, work, security of the person, freedom from cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, and freedom of movement.

“The Tanzanian government’s need to respect the rights of Indigenous Maasai communities is an ethical obligation as well as a legal one,” Nnoko said. “The government should urgently reconsider its approach to ensure the survival, well-being, and dignity of the Maasai people, which this relocation process is putting at grave risk.”

Additional Quotes:

A village chairperson in the conservation area said:

The government is starting to make us not function at all. They try to weaken us in all means of life. To despair, not to fight, give up and move out. They are trying to make sure that pastoralism comes to an end. We never chase the wild animals to move out. We are very good conservators; we don’t hate the wildlife.

That was not a consultation because [prime minister] just spoke and went. There was nothing like taking people’s views and concerns…. The prime minister visited the area; many people went, but they were refused [permission] to enter. He just selected a few people–ward and village officers–and he just said what he thought and went away.

We do not know anything about Msomera. What we have heard is that people have lost their livestock. How do we make sure the government guarantees that in two to five years if resettled residents lose all their livestock, they will get it replaced, receive compensation, or support? How can the community make sure the government provides these assurances if we have no information?

I can’t compare Endulen [Hospital] now to before. Before, the government provided support plus paid for some hospital staff. Before, Endulen had the mother and childcare services with enough medicines. Now, the government has cut off all support; they have taken their doctors back into government hospitals.

Every resident is feeling the pain. If you fall sick you think of the huge cost you will incur to search for health services. The poorer people are much more vulnerable because they don’t have money to travel far, and the local dispensaries do not have medicines. You can sell livestock and access these services. The other option is to use local traditional herbs or pray to god for a miracle.

He was just walking, and they just punished him. They made him kneel – kichura [toad style], and they punished him using a stick. He got injuries on his legs. We don’t have anywhere to report. You go to the same police who have beaten the guy, so you can’t get any aid. There are many cases like this. Rangers are like people who are above the law.

I was born here. My grandfather was born here…. We are a family of about 72 with grandparents, wives, children [today]. There is not enough land to feed everyone in our family. Now, we depend solely on our cows, which we keep far away from here because there is no place to pasture.

Source: allafrica.com

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Kenya’s Port of Mombasa has seen a significant increase in transit cargo in the first half of the year, as hinterland countries shifted their freight operations from the Dar es Salaam harbour due to inefficiencies there.

Transshipment through Mombasa rose by 18 percent, with notable growth from Burundi, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan.

Burundi experienced the most substantial increase, with the port handling 1,502 Twenty-Foot Equivalent Units (TEUs) in the first six months of 2024, up from 357 TEUs during the same period in 2023, a 320 percent rise.

Rwanda also saw an 82 percent increase in TEUs, from 7,182 to 13,059, while Tanzania’s volumes grew by 62 percent, from 5,131 TEUs to 8,325 TEUs.

The efficiency of the Port of Mombasa, where cargo clearance can take as little as four days, compared to up to 25 days at Dar es Salaam, has attracted shippers.

This efficiency helps avoid significant demurrage costs associated with delays. The Central Corridor, which begins at the Port of Dar es Salaam and serves Tanzania, Zambia, Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, and Eastern DRC, remains the shortest route for these countries.

However, the Dar es Salaam Port, Kenya’s main regional competitor, is grappling with severe congestion, leading to prolonged vessel clearance times.

This congestion has an impact on shipping costs and causes market shortages, prompting Great Lakes countries to divert more traffic to Mombasa.

Key metrics at the Port of Mombasa have improved, with the turnaround time for container vessels decreasing from an average of three days in 2022 to two days in 2023.

The average container dwell time also dropped to 3.5 days from 3.9 days last year, a 10 percent improvement.

Additionally, ship waiting time for containerised vessels decreased to 0.2 days, while the gross vessel turnaround time fell significantly from 90.5 hours in 2022 to 64.1 hours in 2023.

Source: allafrica.com

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By PAULINE KAIRU

In September 2023, the tranquil of Tanzania’s Enduimet Wildlife Management Area (Ewma) was shattered by a tragic event — a magnificent, large-tusked elephant bull categorised as a ‘super-tusker’ fell to the bullet of a trophy hunter.

This community-owned conservation area, nestled in northern Tanzania just 23.5 kilometres from the Kenya-Tanzania border, became the backdrop of a poignant clash between conservation and tradition.

The bull’s tusks, each weighing almost 50kg, bore witness to its stature and the tragic end it met.

Identified posthumously by Cynthia Moss and Norah Njiraini of the Amboseli Trust for Elephants (ATE), the bull was named Gilgil, a notable individual from the Amboseli Elephant Research Project (AERP) in Kenya.

This revelation underscored not only the physical loss but also the broader implications for elephant conservation efforts spanning Kenya and Tanzania borders.

“An elephant’s skin is essentially a giant fingerprint with unique folds, creases, vein patterns, lumps, and bumps that distinguish one elephant from another,” explained the scientists.

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The bull, estimated to have been 35 years old, was just entering his reproductive years and belonged to a unique population of elephants that traverse Kenya’s Amboseli National Park into northern Tanzania.

Gilgil represented a link in a fragile ecological chain that supersedes political boundaries.

In a press statement, a consortium of wildlife conservation organisations condemned the hunt by an American insurance executive brought in by Tanzanian company.

Gilgil’s right tusk measured 6 feet 3 inches and weighed 45kg, while the left one was 7 feet 2 inches and weighed 49.9 kg.

In November 2023, another super-tusker met a similar fate on land owned by the Tanzania National Ranching Company Limited (NARCO), adjacent to the Enduimet WMA, 36 kilometres from the Kenya-Tanzania border.

This elephant was unidentified, as its carcass was burned and partially buried.

It was estimated that its ivory weighed 46kg and 44kg. The hunt, according to the same consortium, was conducted by an American professional hunter resident in Tanzania.

Reports surfaced of a third incident in late February 2024, underscoring the escalating threat to Amboseli’s elephants.

The consortium of wildlife conservation organisations has said that investigations pointed to the same Tanzanian company.

The American posted images of various wildlife he hunted, but it is unclear if he was the one who killed the elephant, as there were other hunters, including one who previously made headlines for hunting an endangered black rhino in Namibia in 2015.

In total, these incidents, clustered in Tanzania’s West-Kilimanjaro area, mark a grim tally of five adult male super-tuskers reportedly lost to trophy hunters in late 2023 and early 2024.

Read: Elephant deaths trigger Kenyan call for Tanzania to curb hunts

The scientific community decried the loss in a June 27, letter published in Science.

The 24 elephant biologists and conservationists highlighted the Amboseli–West Kilimanjaro cross-border elephants as a unique genetic reservoir and called for Tanzanian and Kenyan authorities to unite in a conservation strategy.

The population studied for 51 years by the Amboseli Elephant Research Project (AERP) in Kenya, perhaps the longest-running continuous elephant study in the world, has been described as “one of the last gene pools for large tuskers and the source of the largest tusks ever collected.”

“Tanzania and Kenya should recognise the immense scientific value of this cross-border population and work together to develop a harmonised conservation strategy that formalises a zero-elephant hunting quota and the promotion of ecotourism,” reads the letter.

Kenya banned trophy hunting in 1973, but it remains legal in Tanzania, where hunting companies obtain licences on behalf of a client. A permit to shoot an elephant costs between $10,000 and $20,000.

Hunters are only allowed to kill stray elephants and lions, and the aged and unproductive animals.

Although these elephant hunts were reportedly legal, they have sparked significant concerns among outraged conservationists.
The Tanzania Wildlife Management Authority (Tawa) regulates hunting permits, with a national quota of 50 elephants per year.

But the conservationists allege some unethical practices, such as pushing elephants into hunting blocks and using helicopters to locate them, contravening fair chase principles.

Burning or burying carcasses, though not illegal, is highly unusual and raises further questions.

The economic gains from hunting, exemplified by a windfall from a January auction, pale against the long-term benefits of ecotourism and sustainable conservation, they say.

Tawa was expected to announce the next season’s quota or “take” in July.

Tanzania’s Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism has said it collected $8.2 million during the seven-day hunting blocks allocation auction held in January.

Conservation activists contend that, economically, each elephant’s lifetime value from tourism far exceeds the one-time income from trophy hunting, and that in an ecosystem renowned for well-protected elephant populations, the loss to hunting is economically short-sighted and morally troubling.

According to Dr Katarzyna Nowak and Dr Keith Lindsay, 70 percent of Africa’s elephants are in transboundary populations and hunting should not be carried out without first considering whether it harms the resources of a neighbouring country, particularly when wildlife policies differ, as in the case of Kenya and Tanzania.

This view is shared by elephant conservation organisations and by international agreements, such as the Convention on Migratory Species.

An implicit agreement among hunters to avoid shooting elephants near Amboseli National Park and in the surrounding borderlands has safeguarded this cross-border elephant population.

Except for breaches by hunters in 1994-95, which led to the deaths of four well-known males and ignited international outrage, this agreement has been honoured for half a century.

Now, with these recent hunts, a dilemma surrounds the management of elephant populations that roam Kenya and Tanzania.

While Kenya has invested substantial resources in protecting elephants, especially the large-tusked bulls targeted by ivory poachers, through anti-poaching patrols, community engagement programmes, and international advocacy for stronger wildlife protection laws, these efforts are undermined once the elephants cross into Tanzania, where they can be legally killed by trophy hunters.

Kenya’s Kajiado County Governor, Joseph ole Lenku, has publicly advocated revision of the hunting regulations in the neighbouring country.

“We call our counterparts on the Tanzanian side to carefully consider the long-term implications of such actions and to join us in preserving our shared natural heritage for future generations,” Mr Lenku said.

The plight of super-tusker elephants epitomises a broader struggle for conservation across borders.

Kenyan conservationists are also urging Tanzania to formalise regulations banning elephant hunting near the border, effectively creating a buffer zone that would protect the Amboseli-West Kilimanjaro elephant population, a shared heritage between Kenya and Tanzania.

Elephants already face poaching, habitat loss, and human-wildlife conflict. Subjecting them to trophy hunting exacerbates their plight, they say.

Read: Scientists call for halt to elephant hunting along Kenya-Tanzania border

Once nearly decimated by poachers in the 1990s, fewer than 100 of these majestic animals remain today.

The ban on hunting in Kenya facilitated their resurgence, making Amboseli’s elephants emblematic of successful conservation practices globally.

Dr Cynthia Moss, founder of the AERP at the Amboseli Trust, underscored their significance: “These elephants are not only sources of great scientific knowledge and key attractions for the ecotourism economy, but they also represent a unique and irreplaceable natural wildlife heritage for the people of both countries and the world.”

The Amboseli–West Kilimanjaro elephant population, totalling about 2,000 elephants across 30,000km² of Kenya and Tanzania, holds profound ecological and economic value.

These elephants, genetically predisposed to possess some of the continent’s largest tusks, embody centuries of evolutionary adaptation.

Their roles in genetic diversity, social cohesion and the local economy underscore their irreplaceable contributions.

Older bulls, distinguished by their larger tusks, assume critical roles in reproduction and social hierarchy, guiding younger males and ensuring herd stability.

But the resumption of trophy hunting jeopardises their future.

Dr Joyce Poole, scientific director of ElephantVoices, lamented that the recent killings of the super-tuskers, “are particularly concerning due to the rarity and the special role these older males play in elephant society.”

Elephants like Gilgil in their prime breeding years are crucial.

“There are so many myths and misinformation about these larger male elephants,” explained Dr Moss.

“Our studies show that the bigger, older males do all the breeding well into their 50s.”

Because it takes about 35 years for a male elephant to attain the size and experience to breed annually, the majority of calves are fathered by the same, few older males sought by trophy hunters.

These older animals also form the core structure of male society, initiating and coordinating the movements and activities of closely bonded individuals.

According to the AERP, this elephant population consists of 65 families, with 17 families totalling 365 members frequently crossing into Tanzania.

There are 725 males aged 10 years and above, all of whom enter Tanzania at some point, since it is part of their range.

Among these, 123 have been recorded in the reproductively active period of musth.

At least 25 of these males have tusks large enough to be considered suitable targets for trophy hunters, though only a few have tusks over 45 kilos.

Male elephants become prime targets of trophy hunters during their reproductive prime between the ages of 35 and 55 years.

“Hunters frequently argue that they only kill old males, which are past breeding, but genetic paternity data and decades of observational records have shown that it is the oldest classes that are the most competitive and preferred by females.

For instance, 52-year-old Craig, one of Amboseli’s celebrity elephants, began his reproductively active musth period last week,” Dr Poole said.

Each elephant in the population is individually identified, documented photographically, and recorded in a comprehensive database.

This rich repository of data includes detailed records of births, deaths, and sightings of over 4,000 individuals, providing unparalleled insights into elephant demography, growth, social structure, behaviour, communication, and genetics.

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Abdulrazak Gurnah, the Zanzibari-born 2021 Nobel Literature laureate’s grand homecoming was punctuated by the translation of his masterpiece, Paradise, into Kiswahili. His publisher, Mkuki Bgoya, speaks about its significance in the Swahili canon.

Before Abdulrazak Gurnah won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 2021, Swahili lecturer and translator Dr Ida Hadjivayanis was already working on a Kiswahili translation of his novel, Paradise. A year after the award was announced, the translated text, Peponi, was published by Mkuki na Nyota.

Founded by pioneering Tanzanian publisher, Walter Bgoya in 1991, Mkuki na Nyota was a fitting choice not only because of its pivotal role in documenting Tanzanian, Southern African and, indeed, pan-African literary, political and intellectual history, but also because it has dedicated itself to carving out space for literary texts at a time when most publishers are pursuing the lucre of the school textbook market.

Zanzibar-born Gurnah’s oeuvre centres the histories of coastal people of Tanzania and East Africa, a population whose primary language is Kiswahili. Dr. Ida’s translation of Peponi, the first of Gurnah’s books made available in Kiswahili – or any African language for that matter – repositions Gurnah as an important contemporary voice in the Swahili canon.

Peponi is a coming-of-age story told through the eyes of a teenage boy, Yusuf. Through the boy’s experiences, a story situated at the twilight of pre-colonial East Africa, unfolds.

Peponi enters a relatively quiet literary landscape. The dawn of the new millennium had witnessed an explosion of the experimental writing of Said Ahmed Mohamed, the adventurous prose of Ben Mtobwa and the critical style of Zainab Burhani. Decades later, however, the vivacity of that era has not birthed a richer Swahili writing scene.

Publishing houses like Mkuki na Nyota, and platforms like the Safal-Cornell Kiswahili Prize for African Literature, and the Mwalimu Nyerere National Creative Writing Award are certainly doing their part to keep Swahili writing traditions alive. But as the English language (particularly in educational institutions) has flourished with no mitigation by way of a concerted effort to embrace Swahili literature, our creative writing and reading culture has continued to shrink.

Perhaps this is why Abdulrazak Gurnah’s Nobel win, and the subsequent publishing of this translated text, has been a catalyst for conversation. Questions around Tanzanian and Swahili literature as a source of learning, reading pleasure as well as cultural identity came up repeatedly during the book tour.

In this interview, Mkuki na Nyota’s managing director, Mkuki Bgoya considers these questions and offers insights into why Tanzania’s literary landscape still feels bare.

AFRICAN ARGUMENTS: What has the reception for Peponi been?

MKUKI BGOYA: The reception has been very good. There’s been a lot of excitement about how beautiful the book looks, which is great because we were very intentional about the cover. But also, I think the fact that this is [Gurnah’s] first work in Kiswahili and in any African language has been exciting. It has drawn conversations about African literature in African languages and the importance of translation. And of course, questions about why he’s not as well known here in Tanzania as he should be, and the significance of this work towards introducing Gurnah to a whole new audience, particularly his own people. These conversations have helped the book tour stay in people’s minds.

AA: Tell us a little about the translation process from the editorial side?

MB: From the editorial point of view, it was my father, Walter Bgoya, that worked with Ida. A lot of the input is on certain words or concepts that are a little odd or even problematic when translated. Kiswahili can be a little specific, especially when translating verbatim so it was just about looking out not to commit cultural mishaps. And pushing typical publishing and aesthetic conversations, you know? But Gurnah was not really involved in the translation at all, he gave Ida and us complete freedom and trust to bring that work to life.

AA: Why do you think that Abdulrazak Gurnah is not as well known as he should be here in Tanzania?

MB: Well, I should say that he is a critically acclaimed author whose work is well received in literary circles and among book nerds, so to speak. But he isn’t a pop sort of author, like, say, Chimamanda [Ngozi Adichie], who you can’t miss. He was never that even in the Anglophone literary world. So, it wasn’t unique to Tanzania necessarily that he was not known. But of course, him being from here, from Zanzibar, there’s clearly an elephant in the room. Because you would have thought that he would be a household name regardless of there not being any Kiswahili translations. One of the reasons is because in the last, maybe, 30 years, our readership has dropped significantly across the board. Partly because our schools aren’t really taking literature seriously. We are still reading the Ngugis, the Achebes, and Soyinkas. And, of course these are geniuses, but we need to include more voices, including contemporary writers. Particularly contemporary writers who are from here because their writing is likely to be influenced by our realities and we should be reading that. And I mean, Gurnah has been writing for 50 years, but the point is we need to expand our canon. Truthfully, the culture of reading here is still poor and that contributes to us not knowing these authors.

AA: What deliberate efforts could be made to change that?

MB: I think for people like Gurnah who have roots here, there needs to be a deliberate effort to expose them. These are people who should be essential reading simply because they come from here, and their writing is inspired by our realities. Shafi Adam Shafi, Shabaan Robert, these Tanzanian or Swahili writers should be mandatory reading for pretty much every Tanzanian kid or any kid who goes to school here. They should be core parts of what you call your cultural identity. I think one of the problems is we don’t look at literature as important to forming a cultural identity. Not like music perhaps, where certain genres have been associated with Utanzania. Our education system does not expose students to literature as a thing that nurtures your soul. It’s just this thing you use to pass exams. If students were forced to listen to Diamond Platnumz, and then get an exam on him, and if you failed you would be shamed or canned, students would likely hate Diamond too. We don’t introduce literature for pleasure. Not at school or at home. It fosters a deep trauma attached to books.

AA: This trauma seems most notable in the neglect of fiction, because when Tanzanians do read, they prefer non-fiction. Can you speak to that a little?

MB: Yes, generally speaking, Tanzanians approach books as a sort of utility as opposed to [works to be read] for pleasure. I’ve just been promoted, let me get a book on how to manage people. I need to know how to invest my money, so let me get a book. I’ve just had a breakup, let me get a book to figure out how to deal with these feelings. So even if it’s poetry about heartbreak, unless it’s presented as a tonic of some kind, most wouldn’t buy it. That’s also why we are very much into biographies.

AA: Which is such a departure from Swahili literature’s roots in poetry.

MB: There used to be the epic poems that went on for 3000 words and told a story. You could argue that those were our novels. Our Western understanding of a novel as a long form, 60- to 80,000-word projects is relatively new. Technically, Swahili literature doesn’t really have to conform to that. I think there’s obviously a larger conversation here about our relationship with our colonial past; that for things to be valued, they have to be attached to this colonial framework. Why are we only celebrating Gurnah now that he’s won a Nobel, for instance? I think all of us can play a part in interrogating these contradictions. For us, a novel can be what they call a novella. As long as the audience is happy, why should we be preoccupied with a Western definition? We sure as hell won’t be able to win any international awards with those, though [laughs].

AA: Are there other examples of that shift from Swahili ways of creating literature to adapting Western ones? I’m interested in what other ways this colonial framework is affecting our storytelling.

MB: Children’s books are another example. Our children’s books have traditionally had long text because they were modelled after Swahili oral storytelling, which is different from Western children’s books that are usually maybe two sentences a page. We’ve noticed at the publishing house that most Tanzanians prefer those over books with longer text for children now. They have now become the standard, which to me is a clear example of this framework at play.

AA: The translation of Paradise to Peponi feels like a homecoming because of the book’s content and its accessibility to Swahili speakers. But I’m curious about the reverse. As translations of Swahili books become common, how do you think that will impact Swahili literature?

MB: Tanzania is a uniquely Swahili country. And that’s a big blessing because Kiswahili is a humongous language and culture – it’s a great thing to call ours. I think it’s akin to American culture, and how valuable it is for them to wield as a diplomatic instrument or cultural soft power. It’s the same for Kiswahili. We translate the Swahili books so we can contribute to world literature. We believe we have something to give the world. But it’s important for me to say that we’re not driven by that. This is not a strategy that we’re trying to employ. I definitely think we need to import more literature too so more Tanzanians who are Swahili speakers can read, I don’t know, Tolstoy for instance. It’s good to have that option.

AA: What about its impact domestically? Do you think translations of these classics, and I guess their success, might affect readership and writing in Swahili?

MB: I subscribe to the position that we should all read Swahili books. It should be common practice in the country. And I also wish more writers who submitted just wrote in Swahili. We get a lot of people writing terribly in English instead of the language they’re comfortable with, thinking it will increase their chances of getting published.

AA: Or increase their chances of reaching more readers.

MB: Look, our readership has dropped, sure, but we certainly still have readers. There’s a lot of self-published pulp fiction that does really well. Stuff on urban detectives, witchcraft, sex, romance. You see a lot of people reading these texts when you walk around in the streets, so you certainly don’t have to write in English to be published or to reach audiences.

AA: How free do you think writers are to explore topics other than the pulp fiction stories you just mentioned? Might it be an issue of freedoms in the country and writers being worried about reception?

MB: I will say this: we have had conversations about the Tanzanian audience but often, it’s not really the topic. Sometimes it’s a question of whether the material is publishable. For instance, is it potentially libellous? In that case, we’ll have a conversation to see how we would navigate it. What is the writer claiming? Can we back these claims? And if we can back these claims, will it potentially jeopardise the book? Or even the publishing house completely? How can we publish this book and have it say what it needs to say without being banned? Very rarely does that happen though. I don’t know if Tanzanians self-censor or we understand our society so we have just got very good at saying things. Like there are certain words in Peponi that we could not translate directly because they would be far too vulgar for a Swahili audience, especially if we intend for the book to make it into schools one day.

AA: But isn’t figuring out a way around saying the thing also a form of self-censorship that could be indicative of the state of our larger freedoms?

MB: Interestingly there may be more potential for freedom in books than any other art form. We may wonder why. Because of our poor reading culture, one may not need to worry that their book will cause a revolution [laughs]. But also, our society is okay with a lot if it doesn’t ruffle feathers. It’s kind of how Tanzanians will say no without saying no. We are a very avoidant nation. And I think in many ways the government is a reflection of this larger culture of avoidance. Yes, we see the ways that the government is clamping down on people but if they can do that in the least confrontational way, they often choose that option. So, I think it starts with the writers themselves trying to avoid confrontation, then they go to publishers who are likely also trying to avoid the confrontation and it cascades that way.

AA: How do publishing houses support writers to probe a little more?

MB: By questioning. Questioning the intent, questioning delivery. Trying to see if they themselves are stifling their own voices, you know? As soon as we know what we’re trying to achieve with this work, or what the work is trying to achieve for itself, we do all we can not to get in the way of that. And sometimes that may include a few changes, or big rewrites.

Karen Chalamilla is a gender and media researcher, and culture writer with a keen interest in the relationship between gender, art, and media.She has worked as a freelance writer and researcher for outlets such as The Floor Mag, AMAKA Studio, Gal-dem, Tangaza and The Citizen newspaper. And also, for civil society organisations such as The Africa Philanthropy Network as a project manager and most recently, a gender and media researcher.

Source: allafrica.com

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The East African Community (EAC) Secretariat has called on partner states to educate their citizens on how to protect themselves and prevent the spread of Mpox (Monkeypox), a viral infection that is deadly.

Last month, reports indicated that a new strain of the mpox virus spreading quickly along the eastern border of DR Congo was “incredibly worrying”, according health officials monitoring its spread. The bloc’s call for heightened public awareness follows reports from the World Health Organization (WHO) that Burundi and DR Congo are experiencing an outbreak of the viral Mpox disease.

#EACWashProjectClosure“I urge the Partner States to promote use of the facilities that have been installed & put in place measures of support such as provision of clean water at the points of entry & the authorities to ensure appropriate regular maintenance-EAC DSG @AguerAriik pic.twitter.com/P2QLqbcqyy— East African Community (@jumuiya) July 29, 2024

ALSO READ: Rwanda ‘well-prepared’ to handle mpox outbreak, says health official

Burundi has confirmed three cases of Mpox in Bujumbura and Isare, verified by national laboratories and the WHO. The Burundian health ministry has assured the public that measures are in place to manage the disease, with patients currently receiving treatment and showing improvement, reads an EAC statement. Rwanda stepped up its epidemic response after two cases of mpox were confirmed in the country on July 27.

ALSO READ: Mpox: Communal vigilance is our best defence

Since 2022, DR Congo has reported over 21,000 cases and more than 1,000 deaths, according to WHO. In 2023, there were 14,626 cases and 654 deaths, and by the end of May 2024, 7,851 cases and 384 deaths had been reported. Many of those infected are children under five (39%), and nearly two-thirds (62%) of the deaths are also among children. Health experts have identified a new strain of the virus in one part of the country.

1/2#EACWashProjectClosureThe EAC DSG @AguerAriik today participated in the technical meeting in Rubavu, Rwanda to review the successes and challenges of the EAC Water Sanitation and Hygiene #Wash project funded by @IOMRONairobi & @eacgiz in collaboration with the EAC pic.twitter.com/7KQTZKtfcG— East African Community (@jumuiya) July 29, 2024

ALSO READ: New mpox strain in DR Congo ‘most dangerous yet’ – reports

Burundi borders DR Congo, Rwanda and Tanzania while DR Congo borders five EAC partner states: Tanzania, Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda and South Sudan.

Importance of taking preventive measures

The EAC Deputy Secretary General in charge of Infrastructure, Productive, Social and Political Sectors, Andrea Aguer Ariik Malueth, emphasised the importance of taking preventive measures to minimise the spread of Mpox.

“EAC partner states must provide necessary information about the disease and take preventive measures,” Malueth said, adding that factual risk communication, community engagement and enhanced surveillance were crucial steps to managing the disease.

Mpox, formerly known as Monkeypox, was first discovered in monkeys in 1958, with the first human case reported in 1970. The virus spreads from animals to humans and between people through close contact, contaminated objects and respiratory droplets.

Reducing the risk of contracting Mpox

Symptoms include a skin rash or lesions, fever, intense headache, muscle aches, back pain, general body weakness and swollen lymph nodes, typically lasting two to four weeks. While most cases are moderate, it is noted, severe cases and deaths can occur.

To reduce the risk of contracting Mpox, the public is advised to:

– Avoid contact with individuals diagnosed with the virus or those who may be infected;

– Wear a face mask when in close contact with symptomatic individuals;

– Use personal protective equipment when caring for confirmed or suspected cases;

– Wash hands with soap and water or use alcohol-based sanitizers after contact with infected persons or animals;

– Regularly wash clothing and bedsheets at high temperatures;

– Ensure meat is thoroughly cooked before consumption; and

– Avoid contact with sick animals, particularly rodents and non-human primates, and refrain from handling bush meat.

Individuals suspecting that they may have contracted Mpox should self-isolate and seek medical advice immediately.

Regional health experts to deliberate on situation

While a vaccine against Mpox is available, WHO recommends vaccination primarily for those at high risk of exposure. Treatment focuses on alleviating symptoms, such as pain management.

Though no specific date was given, the EAC statement notes that the regional bloc will convene a meeting of health experts to deliberate on the situation. However, it is noted, in anticipation of pandemics and epidemics in the region, the EAC, with support from the German Government through its development arm GIZ and the Africa CDC, has established a pool of rapidly deployable experts ready to be deployed in areas of disease outbreaks in the EAC.

Additionally, GIZ has also supported the EAC in strengthening 10 border areas with DR Congo and other EAC partner states by providing handwashing facilities and health promotion activities to encourage protective health and hygiene (WASH) behaviours, aiming to prevent the spread of zoonotic and water-borne infectious diseases.

This health and hygiene promotion initiative has reached 700,000 individuals. The first phase of the WASH project in 2021-2022, conducted in six EAC partner states reached about five million people.

Source: allafrica.com

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By BOB KARASHANI

Tanzania has reached an out-of-court settlement with Australian mining company Indiana Resources, agreeing to pay $90 million to end arbitration proceedings at the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID).

This potentially ends the long-running dispute, although the settlement amount is less than the $109 million award that ICSID had ordered Tanzania to pay Indiana in July 2023, after ruling that it had unlawfully expropriated the company’s licence to conduct nickel mining operations in the country. 

Read: Australian firm wins $109m compensation against Tanzania

Indiana said in a statement that the deal would save the company from incurring more time and costs in pursuing the payment of the full award, which had increased to $121 million by last week as interest continued to accrue at the rate of $1 million per month.

Tanzania had delayed payment as it sought annulment of the award in lengthy proceedings at the World Bank-affiliated tribunal which, according to Indiana, will only be concluded once it receives the full settlement sum.

Under the agreement reached on July 29, payment modalities will be in three instalments, with the first sum of $35 million already paid by Tanzania.

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Another $25 million is expected by October 25, and the final disbursement of $30 million by the end of March 2025.

Indiana Resources executive chairman Bronwyn Barnes said the company reserved the right to “recommence” the annulment process at ICSID “if for any reason Tanzania defaults on the agreed subsequent instalment payments.”

“This includes our right to pursue enforcement activities, which would involve the seizure of Tanzania’s assets in any jurisdiction that is a member of the World Bank,” Ms Barnes added.

Earlier this month, the Australian Securities Exchange granted Indiana Resources’ request for a temporary suspension of trading on its shares on the bourse in anticipation of the expected settlement with Tanzania. 

The deadline for the suspension was July 29.

This was the second such settlement between Tanzania and international firms that filed for ICSID arbitration after their mining licences were controversially revoked by the John Magufuli government in 2018.

In October 2023, Tanzania made a one-time $30 million payment to Canadian firm Winshear Gold Corp to conclude their case out of court.

Read: Mining firms in Tanzania on the spot over royalty fees

The Vancouver-based company was claiming at least $96 million in damages for the expropriation of its retention licence for a goldmining project in southwestern Tanzania.

A third company, Montero Mining and Exploration Ltd also of Canada, is currently suing Tanzania at the ICSID for $67 million for compensation after its licence to operate a rare earth element project in Morogoro region was cancelled.

The case is pending at the Washington DC-based tribunal, with the last mention in January this year.

The Magufuli administration based its actions on new mining laws that scrapped retention licences for foreign investors, with the stated intention of safeguarding sovereign control over Tanzania’s mineral resources.

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